Red Miner no. 17

the “Th ‘aagsive’ ‘3 to 1 majority for action -in the baliot on the, code “ghows' a new willingness to fight amongst the rank and file. Also, - as the figures show, it is fairly even throughout the country, which “can anly help ta develop a - fighting unity nationally against the board’s attempts to divide area from area.

For the board the vote is a setback. They thought they could

force the code through quickly.

They need the cade as a vital component in their overall offensive against the HUM. The code represents the continuation of the “sticking the boot in” strategy employed by McGregor in the Great Strike. The eventual privatisation of the pits depends on management being completely in charge with no disruptive action by militants. The vote in the ballot has temporarily forced the board to

rethink their tactics and provided .

an opportunity for miners to turn back the management offensive.

At the same time as providing a real opportunity for new action, we have to examine carefully what role the present HUM leaders are likely to play. Without a doubt, the ballot was used by the bureaucrate in Yorkshire as a means .of undermining the militant strike action that started at Frickley and was spreading throughout Yorkshire before the _ Area leaders called it off.

' In the interview. and discussion with Dave Douglass in this issue af RED MINER, we spell out haw -in

fact Jack Taylor and co. , effectively’ stabbed the Frickley

_prospect of

EDITORIAL

Red Winer is pcinted and pitched by Workers Power BCM 7750, London WOT 3xx

miners in the back in order not to - lead a decisive fight. Indeed the role of Taylor and co, in Yorkshire has had a confusing and disorientating effect on militants in Yorkshire and elsewhere and made it more difficult to get the action that will be necessary in the coming weeks.

LINK THE ISSUES

Related to the problems of leadership in the NUM, zis the danger of keeping the issues faced by the NUM artificially separate. As RED MINER and others have argued, resistance -to the code has to be linked to resistance to "flexible working” (see interview with Gethin Jones in this RED MINER).

The board is advancing on many fronts including pay and closures as well as discipline and flexible working. Although it may be possible to win a few concessions over. the code in the here and now that will only be the signal for more ‘attacks in. the future from management.

That is why RED MINER argues ‘that while an overtime ban should be called, there also has to be a concerted campaign for .a new national strike this winter. Without an all out strike the Board can proceed with their plans to deliver up the industry to the privateers. The MINER and other NUM literature should be produced urgently” and devoted to arguing the case for. linking the | issues

. and taking strike action.

Equally if the Board's attacks result in a new "rolling strike’ as at Frickley, then it must be spread throughout the British

. coalfield.

The winter of 1987/88 will be the most important one since the end of the strike. RED MINER is convinced that it provides. the first real’ chance to. get full revenge for the defeat inflicted by the board in 1985 and reverse the setbacks of the last three years.

SOLIDARITY STILL NEEDED The heroic strike by South Atrica’s SAN ( | ION S : black miners is over. RED MINER has a

devoted severai pages of this issue << detailing and analysing the events ‘cz that strike. Aithough not winning on the central wage demands, the Souta African WUM has demonstratea its formidable strength and ability tc take on not just the mine owners put a.s0 the apartheia system itself. in saiuting and paying tribute to the south African NUM, RED MINER says that ai. that is possible must continue to be done to develop serious workers

AGAINST

- SOUTH AFRICAN COAL

A one day delegate conference

# 10.00am-5.00pm

* sanctions against the South African Saturday, apartheid state. Raising support anc September 19th, sending delegations to the two -! 1987 eanferences advertised in RED MINER i Sheffield City Town Hall

would be a crucial first step tor NUM oranches

With ‘ae Australian minere a:so oeginning *S take industriai actoin against their bosses - iT IS VItTAu THAT THE TASKS OF iNTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY ARE CARRIED OUT AT THE SAME TIME AS OUR OWN BATTLES ARE

UNITED —

Surrey Street Entrance, Sheffieid, Yorks

National Union of Mineworkers St James' House

Vicar Lane

Sheffield

WORKERS’ SANCTIONS AGAINST APARTHEID

FREE MOSES MAYEKiSO March to South Africa House Saturday 10 October 1987 Meet 12 Noon Clerkanwell Green

LONDON EC2 Farringdon tube

Campaign for Trade Union Sanctions Against Apartheid

Conference 11am Saturday 26 September Carrs Lane Church Centre Carrs Lane BIRMINGHAM Delegates: £3 Observers: £1.50

) IGETHER __ END APARTHEID

_WECAN

The recent ballot result showed over 87% of South Wales voters in favour of industrial action if British Coal do not drop “the new disciplinary. code. This ‘was the third highest vote nationally,’ and was achieved with a 70% turnout. British Coal made a last minute attempt to show a special video in the pit ‘canteens in the week of the ballot, urging miners’ not to be “misled” by the “biassed wording onthe ballot form". But the NUM responded guickly and held the ballot three days earlier than planned!

According to British Coal's Industrial Relations’ Officer for South Wales “sensible miners won't be affected by the code... In fact they stand to gain since it sets out

their rights and ensures they can't be victimised", In other words, keep your heads down and you'll be OK. The ballot

vote shows what miners think to that!

The new code is so bad that even Des Dutfield is opposed to it! In moving the resolution opposing the code at the national conference, he said that “the code procedures were disgusting and vicious, and aimed at creating an atmosphere of fear". And speaking of the special South Wales Area conference in August, he went on to say “we believe we have been conciliatory to the Board: <too true); this is a major slap in the face from management". Well, Des, what did you expect?

_HARGAH | At the South Wales Miners Gala at Swansea, Arthur Scargill was the nain

speaker, much to the discomfort of Dutfield and Co. On the issue of six day working, Scargill went on the attack: "You don't

succeed by backing away from the Board, you ~

stand up and’ fight against these types of policies. I was not elected President to argue for an extended working week; should be fighting for a four day week." This received loud applause. Replying from the platform, Dutfield talked predictably of utopian speeches on sunny afternoons, and of the need for realism (ie capitulation). It. now seems that the South Wales leaders want the ballot form re-worded so as to read as opposition to the Wheeler Plan rather than to six-day working - thus letting Margam off the hook.

Meanwhile British Coal now seem willing to discuss with other unions if the NUM finally rejects their "“offer® on Margan.

we

But they still hold out hopes of a deal

with the South Wales leadership, hence the delay in meeting the other unions -

wings at the moment. busily praising the South Wales NUM leaders over

the same time his scab UDM outfit got

leaflets into half a dozen South Wales pits;

over the holiday period (see the interview with Gethin Jones in this issue).

Strikes

There have been ntimerous strikes, mainly unofficial, in the coalfield over the past two or three months. The 3,500 men at Abernant, Betws, Blaenant and Cynheidre in the west took strike action over the quality of miners and OAPs. strike for two

Trecewis Drift was on weeks over wet working. conditions in some of the pit’s new developments. The men at these five pits were all issued with final warnings under the new code of conduct procedures. Most

the | UDM, TGWU and EETPU.are all waiting in the | Roy Lynke has been -

their attitude to Margam, whilst at ©

concessionary coal for retired :

recently the workforce at Deep Navigation -

took two days unofficial action over treatment of men at a new high-tech face.

They were told by management that they. -

weren't trying hard enough, and so waiked -

out. After a weekend meeting they voted to return to work to allow union negotiations with management, At the time of writing the dispute is unresolved.

The British Coal Area Director, Ron Price, has condemned all the recent strikes, complaining about them being unofficial. He threatened that any more disputes would

adversely affect new investment in the coalfield, including possibly the Margam project, He announced that over three .

Million pounds. had been lost in the first quarter of the year owing to strikes.

profit of two million pounds — profit since the 1950s.

CONt ..,...6.

But | despite this British Coal claimed that in the last financial year the coalfield made a. the first ~

There was also a one day strike in August y the opencast miners in South Wales, to lprotest about lack of job security. The total workforce of around 1,000 TGWU members took strike action. They are not employed directly by the Opencast Executive of. British Coal but by civil engineering

' contractors, which means little continuity

- in their work.

| The whole issue of opencast mining in South

| Wales is ' present. Local

| |

controversial and divisive at

| opening of new sites, due to noise and | Other pollution problems.

They are backed by deep mine workers, who find themselves in opposition to the opencast workers over the best way to mine the reserves.

Canteen Workers This month will see a further attempt by women canteen workers

| in COSA to get full rights accorded to

other COSA members, such as the office staff. Their case is due to be heard by the Industrial Relations Appeals Court in September.

Red Miner talked to some canteen workers at Penallta colliery about the issues involved. The women explained how at present they

} receive no coal concessions, work six days

to the office workers’ five, have three rest days to the office workers’ and miners‘ eight, and until recently were given no transport to and from the pit Gnanagement have now backed down on this). During the year long stiike they received no food parcels or picketing expenses, despite being as active as the men in support of the strike. All the canteen staff in South Wales are involved in what ‘they call a

. “question of equality” - ie full rights for

COSA canteen workers in the NUM. British Coal have of fered a deal on hours and job evaluation, backdated for two years. The women have gone to the court of appeal to get it backdated for eight years. Red Miner will carry the result in the 'next issue, together with an interview with one of the women leading the struggle.

kkk kkk kkk kkk

community groups and i gouncils are often bitterly opposed to the

OOOO EL aL AL IER FOF FOF

GETHIN

Red Miner interviewed Gethin Jones, a Lodge committee member at Taff Merthyr colliery, South Wales. The discussion centred on how British Coal's national policies are being carried out at pit level, together with ‘the role of the South Wales NUM leaders, the jailed miners, and the UDM.

Red Miner: Could you say how British Coal's new incentive scheme, the so calied ‘Doncaster Option', is being introduced in South Wales? .

Gethir Jones: Well, firstly, Pontypridd (South Wales NUM HQ) is not able to stand on its own two feet ‘and give a lead on how we should cope with it. As recently as May, George Rees the General Secretary didn't know. if the Doncaster Option was being operated in South Wales! He wrote to ali the NUM Lodge secretaries to find out. Well, it was being operated. At Taff Merthyr the management calls it the “Taff Merthyr Option” to keep the men in the dark, The idea is to set team against team underground. It's being introduced in bits and pieces with the aim of deskilling. ~ electricians and fitters in particular. And this has happened with the knowledge of the Lodge committee.

Red Miner: As a result, what are working conditions like at Taff Merthyr?

the

Gethin Jones: Over. the last twelve months conditions at Taff Merthyr have been terrible. We've had 18" high underground supply roads, men have been carried to the face with no room for a stretcher. They've introduced what is known as the “magic carpet" at Taff Merthyr - a piece of belting was used to get supplies to the facers because there was no room for trains to get through. Accidents have increased, Taff Merthyr is probably top of the league table at the moment. The men are being paid more for the job but they're work ing in conditions where a rat shouldn't be.

Red Miner: There have been several strikes in South Wales recently, mainly as a result of management trying to introduce new work practices with the eventua] ais of six day working. What's your view?

Gethin. Jones: Yes, six day working is already being introduced, no matter how small the changes may now seem. it's a

spall change this week, but what about next These smal}

week and the week after?

INTERVIEW. WITH GETHIN JONES

changes aren't always noticed and, in the end, become accepted practice. .: Before you. know it management have introduced a new working system. And its being bought by overtime, but that will go with six day working. Overtime is definitely ruling the roost at Taff Merthyr in changing working practices.

Red Miner: Do you sense much opposition to six day working at Margam among South Wales miners?

Gethin Jones: Well, the Margam issue has been shelved at the moment because of the new disciplinary code. In a way the best thing British Coal could have done was to issue the code. The men have realised that if the Board can do that then they can't be trusted with anything else. °

Red Miner: The ballot on the code only called for an overtime ban. Do you know of much: support for strike action against it?

Gethin Jones: I don't really know. It will be difficult to get the men out now. But soon men will be nailed at every pit, not just in Yorkshire. the Board will then be forcing us out on strike, just like in ‘64. At. Taff Merthyr we have refused to recognise the new code, and are keeping to the old procedures.

Red Miner: In the west of the coalfield, 3,500 men have been given final warnings after their recent strike over concessionary coal, British Coal are already using the new code in South Wales.

Gethin Jones: Yes, but they won't sack the lot next time. The point is that the threat is there, that's the main thing. They did

the same thing at Trelewis: the men there’

have been threatened with the sack if they take action again.

Red Miner: What do. you think of Des Dutfield and the Executive on these issues?

Gethin Jones: It's all about bureacracy in the system. Des Dutfield has to be very careful. People wonder if Kim Howells, the research officer, is influencing . decisions. A lot of people on the executive don't know what is going on, sitting there in their offices with their -expense accounts and cars - they've lost touch with the rank and file. The men are looking to Pontypridd and wondering what the hell is going on down there. The union is losing credibility fast, men wonder why they should bother paying

dues when the NUM is doing very littie about what is going on around them.

Red Miner: On the issue of the UDM, after the annual holiday miners at several pits in South Wales returned to find UDM leaflets in their lockers. Did this happen at Taff Merthyr?

Gethin Jones: Yes, they. were put in every locker. | How? They must have had permission. from British Coal, there’s no other explanation for how they were allowed to. tamper with men's private property. They knew exactly what to do and where to go.

Red Miner: 1 know you regulafly visit Dean Hancock and Russell Sharkland in Gartree prison. Are the NUM supporting them?

Gethin Jones: They're being looked after and are satisfied with the NUM's treatment. Dutfield, Rees and Thomas have been up there. So has Scargill. His visit wasn't popular with the South Wales leadership: because of the publicity it caused. They — thought. it might adversely affect their parole, but I know this wasn't the case. The boys really enjoyed Scargill's visit and look forward to him coming again. He keeps in touch regularly.

Red Miner: How long do they have to serve? -

Gethin Jones: They have twe years. left now. They've settled in as well as can be expected and are being looked after. They hope to get transferred to Gloucester prison, where they'll be nearer home, before jong.

Red Miner: 1 believe you've been trying to > get more NUM support for the many - redundant and retired miners. in the Rhymny Valley where you live.

Gethin Jones: What I'd like to know is, where is the representation for the North Rhymny Valley? All the miners we've got here and Pontypridd say they can't afford a representative, not even for a fortnightly or monthly surgery. I've told them / will provide an office through the local Labour Party, to deal with the problems of the retired and redundant miners. Other areas have arep but we are the forgotten valley - out of sight, out. of mind. And the moment you raise your head the Area Eecutive are down on you - judge, jury and

executioner. You get stamped on by your |“

own kind as scon as you try and change things, and that’s a fact.

The fight to save Renishaw Park in North Derbyshire was launched at a packed public meeting on 22nd August | at Renishaw Miners Welfare. Arthur * Scargill was the guest speaker.

The pit employs 430 men (over 100 less than 1985 due to redundancies), and has been cut to one working face from two. Only 6 months ago the men were told they had a 14 year future.

The. Board, true to form, initially denied that Park was to be closed, and that was after they’d informed the area executive of their plans. At a meeting on July ist they explained how they would sweeten the pill phasing the closure over 18 months with an initial 100 to go in Sept. 87 - that is if the union didn’t rock the boat - otherwise they thratened it could easily be closed a lot earlier.

Canteen meetings on every shift unanimously supported a branch vote to fight the closure and go through the review procedure.

This year North Derbyshire will see the closure of Arkwright and Ireland pits, and with the board's deliberate rundewn of those pits not producing near the magical £1 a Sigajoule, or. £25 ja ton (the production price of coal at the 10 best pits nationally), the future doesn’t look bright for the remaining pits in the area. Local miners will remember the Area Director Moses telling them. that “Scargill doesn’t know what he’s talking about when he says pits will close here. No pits will close in Derby’s.” But as Arthur

eae

( 4 | ( S| IR E re “a 2 supponeT

RENISHAW PARK @ FIGHTING CLOSURES @

pointed out at the meating, the boards plans for closures, new working practices and weakening the union can be traced back to the i973/74 MIRON plan.

Despite the vote of the men at Renishaw it seems that the Area Exec haven't the stomach for a fight. So far they have done nothing to build the campaign despite having pledged support. Immediately prior; to the cend August meeting the Renishaw delegate organised another series of canteen meetings to retake the vote. Despite this the vote to fight was restated with only 6 against.

This lack of enthusiasm from Area and even some of the Renishaw branch officials was - highlighted at the meeting when a committee member Brian Wood put the point that 3 votes had been had and now the time and energy had to be put into the fight. Despite objections. from the delegate Robinson this argument was backed by Scargill. "Every miner has the right to demand commitment from me. Now you have given us the mandate to fight we ask you to stand by the fight to save the pit."

The Area Exec. would be happy it appears tor Renishaw to conduct a quiet campaign and not rock the boat. However it is obvious that there are militants in the campaign who wili not aliow the decision to fight to be squandered. These militants wil: be organising to extend the campaign and put pressure on the Area Executive.

The next question for the Park is what action needs to be taken if the review goes against them, That action, and here RED MINER: agrees with Scargill will need to be industriai action, fought for and coordinated now. A commitment from 4 Derbyshire pits to take strike action against the closure has to be won and linked up with national action on the issues of the code, 6 day working and the sacked men.

NEXT CAMPAIGN MEETING ECKINGTON. MINERS WELFARE SEPTEMBER 20th 10:00 am

Speakers: PETER HEATHFIELD DENNIS SKINNER

SOUTH AFRICA’S black mineworkers have shaken the mineowners and the apartheid regime with the strength of the strike led by the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM). Before the walkout, the Chamber of Mines was pouring scorn on the ability of the NUM to stage a prolonged dispute, claiming that it represented only 170,000 of 500,000 workforce in gold and coal. But by the third week of the strike, the NUM still had 300,000 mineworkers out, even while the Chamber’s own figures put it at over 200,000.

This was achieved despite intense pressure from the mining bosses, which ranged from. the straightforwardly brutal attacks organised by Goldfields involving their own goonsquads and the South African Police (SAP), through to the

‘reasonable’ pressure from the so- .

called progressive bosses of Anglo American which threatened to dismiss 16,000 workers in an attempt to force a settlement. After two weeks of the dispute, six miners had been killed, 200 arrested and thousands sacked. This was set to increase with the rank and file’s rejection of the Chamber’s 25 August offer.

POVERTY

Unlike their fellow mineworkers in other countries, black workers in South Africa’s mines earn wages which are below other industrial wages. In fact 85% of all goldminers’ wages are below the poverty datum line. In 1986 sharehoiders of South Africa’s gold mines earned more in total dividends than the workers did in total earnings. The average. miner earns. £1700 a year, while the mining bosses’ profits are worth nearly £3 billion!

The bosses have been able to achieve this because of the system of migrant labour. Miners come either from the Homelands’ — areas usually of poor quality land which black families have to make their official homes — or from poorer countries dependent on the miners’

incomes, such as Mozambique and especially Lesotho. The apartheid system prevents the miners settling with their families in the same areas as the mines. Patrick Moseho, NUM chair of the Randfontein Estates gold mine explained in an interview with the Weekly Mail: ‘When I am at home my children do not know me as their father. I have to start afresh each time’.

Miners like these work 12 month contracts, going home at the end and hoping to be able to return. Although ‘liberal’ bosses of Anglo American profess to dislike the apartheid system, they happily benefit from it, keeping miners in hostels, the cost of which is deducted from their wages.

Such are the super-profits achieved from this system that it may seem difficult to understand why the Chamber will not concede the 30% increase demanded by the NUM instéad of sticking by the 1723% already offered. But like bosses everywhere they are ruthless in de-

fence of their profits. For the coal -

industry, it is precisely the cheapness of South African coal which ia enabling them to export on an increasing scale. And it is not only the mineowners who want to see profits high. The state takes a total of R3366 million in revenues from gold mining profits. One estimate published in the Weekly Mail showed that for every extra rand miners managed to squeeze in pay, the government would lose 57 cents in tax.

Conditions for South Africa’s miners are dirty and dangerous as they are for miners the world over but the apartheid state has shown a particularly callous disregard for

‘black miners’ lives. Particular haz-

ards faced by South African miners are the intense heat in the deep gold mines, and cost cutting procedures. The bosses ‘have been able to get away with such procedures as a result of their ability to keep effective union organisation out of the mines for decades. The hazards in the industry were tragically illustrated in the Kinross disaster last Autumn. A

major task the young union set itself was the improvement of safety and compensation standards. Meticu- .. lous attention to detail and individual cases, repgesentation by shaft stewards, use of every possible legal . procedure and lengthy battles for recognition have all helped the NUM build its reputation and its membership. Now safety and conditions are a major element in the claim with demands for danger pay, increased holidays and better. conditions in the barrack like hos- - tels.

KINROSS

The NUM of South Africa has moved cautiously into launching a major confrontation with the Chamber of Mines. It still only unionises about 50% of the work-— force. However the massive re- © sponse to the NUM called one-day stayaway to protest at the Kinross Mining disaster showed that the union could draw non-unionised workers behind it. The current action itself has confirmed this with thousands of. non-union miners joining the strike.

Anglo-American, the hardest hit of the mining companies has been trying to keep its ‘liberal’ image intact, emphasising that this was a normal industrial dispute to be solved by the ‘normal’ methods of collective bargaining. Of course there is nothing ‘nornial’ about strikes in South Africa, especially in the mines. Anglo like the other em- . ployers did not hesitate to use its heavily armed security police against the strikers. It called in the SAP to regain control of hostels and has attempted to carry out mass dismissals. While it held off the mass recruitment of scab labour in the first three weeks, the massive rejection of the 25 August offer led Anglo to launch into a huge scab herding operation to try and break the strike.

Of course there was much more at stake for the Chamber of Mines and the South African state than. simply the resolution of a ‘normal’ industrial dispute. The strike takes.

—_ —-——>

place in a country wracked by massive struggles against the apartheid regime While the vicious repression has contained and put on the defensive the struggles of the youth. school students and township organisations, the trade unions show no signs of suffering any such set back. Since Cosatu was lauriched’ there has been a considerable. in. crease in union membership and strike activity. The strength of the NUM and its growth in the last pe riod is one sign of this. The struggle for a 30% wage increase 13 part of the Cosatu launched struggle for ‘a living wage’

The recent victories at OK Bazaars and especia}ly by the rai! workers has greatly increased the confidence of the South African workers. It is estimated that half a million workers have been or. are involved 1n industrial actions during August -.. a national strike by 20,000 postal workers, the strike at SASOL’s collieries, several strikes involving several thousand Food and Allied Workers Union members, and the continued struggle on a plant by plant basis of the National] Union of Metal Workers — are just some of the ongoing disputes. The Chamber of Mines and the government recognised that an all out victory by the NUM would have dramatically altered the balance of forces within the mines and within the struggle nationally. Similarly a crushing defeat would have had the opposite effect

In this situation the strategy of the NUM leadership was vital. The NUM membership had shown itself consistently more intrahsigent than its leadership. A popular song com-

posed during the strike had as ite

chorus line ‘Leadership don't come

back to us, until you have a better

offer from the bosses"! One of the strengths of the NUM has been the development of the shaft steward system, with stewards’ councils be-

ing powerful rank and. file bodies in the union. Before the strike at the last NUM. conference the NUM proposed the replacement of these councils by more geographically based area councils a step which would ‘have. seriously weakened rank and file control of the strike if implemented.

The proposals announced at. the start of the strike by NUM General Secretary Cyril Ramaphosa, that miners should leave the mines and go back to the homelands to avoid

‘ confrontation and violence, also ap-

pear to have been rejected by the membership.

A senior Chamber official indicated early in the dispute that the owners saw the weakness in this

‘We are glad that the union has called on strikers to leave the

s - -* - bid 4 pi

ri

“i. H.ners struck iemanding a

hostels and mines. this means that those who want to stay at work will be able to do so with. out the threat of violence and infimidation. It also means that in the event of a long strike, we will not have to evict workers but merely recruit new workers to replace them.’

Only where mine owners succeeded in evicting or starving out miners does the return home appear to have happened, although obviously the pul} to go home for workers who don’t see their families from one six month to the next was considerable.

In many areas the NUM was instead attempting to take control of the hostels and actually occupying the mines at Harmony and at Anglo’s Western Deep Levela where the workers responded to the threat of work or dismissal by starting a sit-in underground. These effective and vitally important tactics would have inevitably brought the miners into conflict not only with the company police but also with the SAP, raising the necessity, already recognised by Cosatu, for the workers to set up properly organised and armed defence squads.

It appears that it was the threat of Anglo-American and other mine

3 *

living wage’

owners to institute mass sackings and use the SAP to smash resistance in the hostels, to the use of scab labour which led the NUM leadership to retreat on their members’ rejection of the 25 August offer

The alternative was precisely to develop the defence of the miners hostels and above all to win solidarity action from other workers as well as linking up with workers already on strike. The NUM should have placed an immediate demand on COSATU to call general strike action in the face of a police onslaught on the miners. The immediate linking of strike committees to the existing township committees, youth and student organisations in Committees of Action to organise food and aid to the strikers and mobilise for solidarity action and a genera] strike was the vital next step in the strike.

It is not yet clear what the impact will be on the: NUM of its leadership's retreat. Already Anglo, while announcing it wil] re-employ the 40,000 sacked strikers, has said this will depend on satisfactory work records and job availability. If the NUM members fail to reverse the leadership's decision they wil] be faced with immediate struggles against victimisation in the mines.@

i015 articie ‘has been. taken from worsers rower No. 97 which went to print just as the strike was ending.i

FACTS AND FIGURE

SOUTH AFRICAN MIXERS STRIKE

AUM_DERANDS: 30% wage increase (later reduced to 272)# 16-23% increase Increase in paid holidays from 14-30 days Noa - then unspecified increase 5 years pay as death benefit 2 years - then increased to 4 ‘’ Danger pay No June 16th "Soweto Day” as paid holiday Xo

’ Reinstate all sacked strikers No - then yes

#Fote: Black miners are paid only 20% of white miners’ wages

TRADE UNION FEPERATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA HANE FORNED SIZE approx. ) GEN. f. &

COSATUT 1985 750, 000 Split between militant trade unionists and supporters of African National Congress. Rank and file based, highly democratic. Hon-racial but mainly black.

150, 000 "Black oriented and controlled", linked to black consciousnees groups. Comunity based. Tends towards class collaboration

50, 000 "Black exclusjyist", linked to AZAPO (militant black nationalists)

340, 000 White only (from 1969). Pro-apartheid. Linked to far right (particularly miners! )

Scab union linked to Buthelezi’s Zulu2 based collaborationist Inkatha movement. , oo Used against WOM in miners’ strike.

Note; Bumber of black workers uwnionised- 1973: 40,000. i986: 960,000.

SI I EOF THE MIM, TRIKE

Biggest strike in South African history-330, 000 strikers out for 20 days

FOR _ANGLO-ANBRICAN & APARTHEID FOR NUM & COSATU

# "There are still the 1988 wage # "This was a dress rehearsal.” negotiations to come and 1989 and "We taught them (mine-owners) 2 1990..." Johannesburg stockbroker> lesson they will never forget”

(Cyril Ramaphosa, Gen. Sec. RUM)

# 45% total South African export 504+ goldminers in HUM revenue from sale of gald

# Anglo-American accounts for over # HUM is biggest union affiliated 50% of gold production. 4-A is — to COSATU. NUM has doubled in biggest momopoly in South Africa- size in 2 years (now 300, 000). has controlling interest in 64% COSATU membership-1985: 450,250 of all shares on stock exchange. ' 1987: 750,000, COSATU seen as

major threat by state-HQ bombed Thousands of trade unionists errested,eg Moses Mayekiso.

TRE COST

# Chamber of Mines lost £5.08 million 9 black miners killed per day (difference between union Hundreds injured by police & wage demand and bosses’ offer = mine security. approx, 9 days lost profit) Hundreds arrested. Ue OT SSBB Boo Debts & lost wages (no strike Ce TS pay or social security payment) # Anglo-American’s "liberai” image badly tarnished.

T D

Red Miner: The last two months have seen considerable strike action against the Board and in, support of miners disciplined under the code, yet the area executive has sought to defuse rather than link up and spread the wave of ‘unofficial’ action - eg -the Frickley issue and the Ted Scoit sacking What is your view of recent events?

Dave Douglass: You need to lock deeper than surface appearances. Whether we like it or ‘not, the 1984 Trade Union Act is still in force and this requires holding a ballot before any official strike - or else the sequestration of union funds, offices elc.

-Of course, the officials involved in any

action may be deemed to be involved in an unlawful strike, the consequences being the

same. . If Jack Taylor had made = any supportive comment it would have been a case of “death”. So long as the area

officials stayed uninvolved in the dispute there's little the ‘84 Act could have done (though the 900 Frickley men were warned

of possible dismissal under the Board's disciplinary code). Unfortunately for the rank and file action - which was on the

verge of stopping the entire Yorkshire coalfield — the NEC met in Sheffield in, the midst. of the biggest strike since ‘'64/'85 and because of the uneven strengths on the executive, and the more or less universal

‘fear of legal action, endorsement of the

action was never reaily on the cards. The NEC, acting on the conference resolution, announced the national ballot on the cade. Once this happened the area executive had to meet and its options were severely limited because official discussion of the action and endorsement of the national ballot meant, effectively, that a call to hait the unofficial strike had to be made. There were only three alternatives:

1. End the rank and file action but then call for a ballot of the Yorkshire Area to renew. action’ within the law.

2. ignore the rank and file action.

3. Call a: for a halt whilst: a nationai ballot took: place.

the first option was discussed, put it was inconceivable to hold a nationai ballot for limited action alongside an area ballot. for unlimited action. The second option is hardly credible so, reluciantiy, even those

who supported the Frickley initiative saw ©

no real aiternative to the thira uption. It must also be seid that a number of branches had written io the area executive demand ing that the situation be brought under control. Even a strongly left wing drea leadership could hardly have ignored these calls for long. F

Ked Miner: | nave to say that | don't agree with the conclusions you've drawn on the limited options open to the Yorkshire executive. Jt is our view that the Frickley incident and the Ted Scott sacking could have been linked up, and the Yorkshire miners ballotted for action whiie they were on Sirike. tere was a real chance to stop the Board's onslaught on ail fronts.

Dave Douglass: Yes, < don't agree with unity in the abstract ~ it was a pity the vaction was not iet rip, The area were. us ing bureacratic means to get unity. But. in my view Jack Tayitor could have been more obstinate if in his heart he had opposed the action. if he has to act in a legal fashion then, :for. the reasons above, he couldn't officially endorse it. There's an argument that Says “damn the Act, lets fight", { don't know how far we'd get. if you're not interested in the fabric of the union then OK, but for compensation. cases elc the union must be maintained.

Red Miner: But Taylor, Thompson and others ail argued for the Frickley men to call off their action at the Frickley mass meeting and Frickley, to their credit, rejected that advice by i0 to f. Isn"t it vital to challenge the area leaders when they are holding back action that is necessary to prevent the effective use of the code to stop “rag ups"? In my view the rank and file were responding to the need to preserve that basic element of union power in the pit when they came out with Frickiey and, in many pits, voted to continue that support. ,

Dave Douglass: You have to understand the unevenness in the area. The Frickiey men

: tre panel. But after that neeting the

~ NEC "Pulled ‘the ~ plug “by © "announcing - the

national ballot. Scargill madé the’ call for a’ ballot “rather than a raggy, unever response". The plug was pulled by the NEC

“and, I believe, pulled deliberately.

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fled Miner:; So. you're saying that in the Hight of these circumstances you agree with “the Yorkshire Area that the national ballot, ‘not the unofficial action, was the means to

“unity, Presumably this is why Frickley

pickets were asked to disband their Hatfield

“picket on that Monday morning? by Le. 7

«Dave Douglass: The. Frickley pickets agreed

to take off their Hatfield picket ~ in fact |

“would have opened up. divisio

militant and backward: ‘areas, “militant and 4, dackward . pits, We need to avoid confrontation within the union, and to convince men of the need for action.

a) Dyed

re Red Miner: We -—s- be lieve in those

io. Gireumstances it was necessary to support ‘4: Zhe Frickley decision, using. mass meetings

to get the message over, and to mobilise

+,acress the coalfield and out into the other

areas. Are you saying that we have to wait and build unity from the most backward up,

oonrather than seeing action as the way to

build and spread unity? In our view a rank

> wand file movement needs to be built within ys the -union to. take. on the leadership where _aythe.. officials fail to act in the real

interests of miners.

Dave Douglass: | don't believe that the rank and file Shoy id | Substitute... itself. for the rs.

a ork ion then

“The real reason

against, and "CADy did “men, at a: ‘ganteen meeting. Yet ‘the , , ten men pues ‘a picket on. No wonder men resent what they see as, an abuse of. their principled - ‘refusal to ‘cross a Picket line.

The official” “apparatus is “unsuited to do that education and wili only respond to the least conscious. A rank and filemovement ¢ should organise the best -elemenits*: ‘and generalise’ that consciousness.\to’ the others. Its a time for impatience, but: there aren't any short. cuts..to convincing people: that a fight: is necessary: : and, given” certain conditions, winnable.

Red Miner: What about the overtime’ ban and what if the Board back down and accept... the NUM‘'s proposais which seem to me to be ‘a let out for the Board, falling. well. shor t.. of withdrawing. the code altogether? .

Dave Dougiass: | would ‘agree with an overtime ban: if the code was ‘an’ academic proposal, but it ‘has been | implemented against Ted Scott and, earlier, Paul Whetton ~ both sacked ‘for doing union’ duties’ - | “and is therefore ‘a woefully inadequate response. If we are saving our strength for Something important, what will the Board have fo do ~ sack a secretary?

We are asking officials to implement. , an overtime ban. when Scott was sacked ,.for much less, ie telling men not to, cut. coal during overtime. Its no use calling .a,,ban against the sacking of an official,.,.for calling a ban. What, then, will. be.,.our response when the Board sack or, leck: out men calling for, or effecting, an.overftime ban? We need .an emergency - special conference to decide. on a response. veal

The other problem is the weakness of ‘‘the NUM alternative, which appears to’ 'Y be ignoring the fundamental question of:=the + right to strike - and by the right’ to strike I don't simply mean official riativnal

or area stoppages, but unit and individual . rag ups. I for one do not want an appeals 4 protedure, no matter how just,” to try’ me | for a crime’ that doesn't exist. Once’ we accept that ragging up is a ‘crime, ahd'‘all

we're bothered about is how we are . judged

over. that. “crime”, then .the Board have. won

the complianc.,.eof.,; the .:NUM...in regarding s certain forms of strike as industriai misconduct, “9 5 U8 Se ae

nye

A number of vitally impartant. guedfio d a ais ith Dave Douglass. Throughout the int tepleWaia ve “atkes poin s that we would agree with, yet in contradiction he defends: ‘the "unity’ argumpats. of. the area executive over the latest round of. unofficial action, 4a Torkebire. . : Wee Ban

The argument rank and file versus bureaucracy is’ ‘one that, ‘Red .Miner has taken up many times. We argue that a ramk‘and ‘file’ movement must be buiit in the pits and the NUM with a programme for transforming the @tructure and policies of the union and on a platform against biteaueracy,and elass collaboration.

¥e disagree with Dave that the role of such a stent “ebuld ve primarily ‘educational. Obviously a rank and file organisation would educate but not in an abstract way but through fighting to win the argument. Pout ‘What is

necessary and agitating for support for action. wes caat HY

er oe

“In the context of the unofficial action. initiate’ by HE" € based on the mass support of the Frickley iken), against the Board’s use of the code, those seriously concerned to build meaningful unity would need: to fight for support for that action, work to spread the act ion. 'tprough mass meetings to convince the membership and to fight tu fore the, areatnational leadership ta act in support. We do not aceept Wave's S argument . Shatin oe "because of uneven strengths on the WEC" Frickley’ Ss ‘position. was *unfortunate”. Scargill is a prisoner on the executive and whilever he refuses to appeal directly to and be part of organising: the ‘yaak and file for. action (on the scale of '84/85 as he repeatedly says is necessary), rank and file miners have to act to build that action themselves.’ Wer ‘can’ i afford to wait for a ‘left’ balance of forces on national.

A leader like Scargill might become part of a rank and’file movement but only if he was to put himself under it's democratic control. Such a movenent. organised throughout the coalfields, mst, ‘be prepared, . whefe’ ‘it can’t force the official leadership to act, to. take forward the" Tight and lead itself. 7 ”

Lge bon ward Lie Fist

tist we were for spreading the

So even in the situation where such a movement didn't fighting to link up the Frickley and the led Scott’ strike wave through pit mass meetings and appeals “ot esata Ligh

We would say to Dave that he needs to decide “adic “gis Bis on as fis arguments are not. consistent. We don’t agree that: “phe actions of the Area Executive over the unofficial action and our argument ‘for, ‘Spréadi ng “the action are “merely a difference in tactics”, Nevertheless we would’ ‘hope to convince Dave and militants like him of the ned, for rank ana’ Ae organisation. NO opane ue. -

Finally, we would invite HUM members to put their points in this important debate..please write to RED MINER, c/o 136,. Crookesmoor | Road, Sheffield 6.

int he oo . 5 . . ero oP eer Ee La)

Send £1 and receive 4 issues F528 he Aadvegg cre

of RED MINER. Make eae creates subsets cheques payable to Workers Weds BTS os ween Power and send to: Bg ag nd cm veoeee BCM 7750 aah _Deraseseceascansnencvnsrsavenssengcgnconsovses seeene London WC1N 3XX odes an

LABOUR PARTY CONFERENCE--

STOP THE RIGHT! FIGHT EINNOCK!

Neil Kinnock and his ellies are planning a major. offensive at this year's Labour Party Conference.

-~ Already secure in his dominance of the National Executive Committee (NEC) and shadow cabinet, Kinnock is now trying. to consdlidate his grip on the party as a whole.

Such contro! is vital if he is to take the party in the direction he wants: towards the right and a possible coalition with the Liberals. Kinnock is committed to forcing the Party into the SDP‘s broken mould.

Underlying the leadership's strategy is its ahalysis of Labour's disastrous showing in the General Election. Labour lost so badly through years of failing to defend working class interests, through refusing to support

workers in struggle, through policies which.

failed to meet workers’ needs, and through constant emphasis on expulsions and witch hunts rather than on fighting the class enemy.

But Kinnock and the right disagree with this analysis. For them, Labour lost because it fought on policies which were too left wing, thereby’: igh ten ing off SDP and even tory voters. hey see it, the way to victory next.’ * ‘ditch any remaining policies which=# considered even rengtely, pro working: ‘class 5

SAWYER

Tom Sawyer, chair of the party's home poiicy committee, has spelt out clearly what this means. Labour must appeal to the “home owning, credit card carrying majority". Labour must “face the decline in Lits) traditional working class vote" (Guardian 24/7/87) ~- and drop any pretemce of fighting for policies which make the . bosses and yuppies feel uneasy. Hence his call for a “review” of policies on defence, taxation and the economy.

» just as they wish,

Sawyer is not alone far from it! Roy Hattersley believes present policies on defence, taxation and renationalisation lost votes and therefore need “looking at". John Prescott has written on the need to “reeva iuate” the party's policies ands programmes, And of course Kinnock made plain where he stood when he calied for a major reappraisal of economig, industrials

financial, employment and training policies.

No doubt even this list could be extended when necessary!

This process of “policy review" is beginnig now. Conference will definitely see determined moves. to reverse the party's unilatera | nuc lear disarmament stand. Policy against renationalising privatised industries is also likely to be passed. Decisions at Conference will, however, be just the start of the precess of “Owenising"™ the party.

But. Kinnock is aware that his overall project may well founder on the rocks of opposition within the ranks. He believes this is unacceptable. In order to replace the SDF, and reassure the bosses of Labour's “reliabiity”, the leadership must. have unchallenged sway over the membership. The PLP must be able to act independently of © the membership without having about potential opposition or replacement from their members.

threats of constituency

Hence the importance. of Kinnock and the right's one-member-one-vote proposals Ail the baliyhoo about increased democracy and, parlicipation is nonsense - 4 mere cloak to. hide the real purpose behind the changes.

in reality the proposals are an attempt tof erode the already limited power of local parties over their MPs which has existed since 1981. Removing the direct link between jiocal party and MP will do just that - MPs will gain. greater freedom to do Their support for antiworking class policies will then be much more straightforward. cant...

Cee EC a

to worry 7

‘have us make

LP YS,

Similarly, the Sawyer proposals for the Labour Party Young Socislists ‘LPYS) are

‘aimed at. curbing another source of left

wing influence and potential opposition. By lowering the upper age limit to 21, giving the Kinnockite student poodles a greater say, closing down “Socialfst Youth” —- in effect trying to neuter the LPYS - the

leadership hopes to silence another forum

of left wing idens and pressure.

Just in case ail this fails to create a sufficiently docile party, ‘Kinnck ts preparing for increased centralisation. Larry Whitty is using “financial problems” as en excuse to close down Labour Weekly, New Socialist and Socialist Youth. Despite their faults, at least these organs provide a degree of inner party debate, and present

wiews which may differ from those of the

leadersh ip. This is unacceptable’ to Kinnock, Whitty and Co. Instead, they would with the unpolitical, leadership controlled, Labour News. Be warned: this is. the shape of things to come! —

___tetally_

Yet despite the seriousness and obvious purpose ef the attacks, the Left has failed to mount ge “peaningful oppesition. No one

© @geinst Kinnock for leader, thus ‘hand. There has been no Campa campeign to defend the LPYS and, despite the | leng period over which they have been taking place, there is still no effective campaign to fight the suspensions and expulsions.

Nor has the Campaign Group launched any fightback. Weak in the constituencies, and conspicuously quiet in. the Parliamentary Labour Party, the Campaign Group appears to. be . sitting on its hands something to happen.. The problem is, the © only thing which is ‘happening’ is Kinnock

and Co running amok! .

. 2 involvement in extraparliamentary and nonparty campaigns and struggles, while central for socialists, is no substitute for a principled struggle against the anti-working — class direction in which the Party is being | taken. Such a struggle means fighting the policy retreats, fighting the constitutional -, manouvres - and fighting the leadership! | Conference can still provide the opportunity |

for launching such a fightback. It is vital to seize that opportunity with both hands. |

AER OR OO OE OE Ok A Oa OO OO CO OO OR OE

SPONSORED BY : HATFIELD MAIN BRANCH NUM

& DONCASTER LABOUR CITE THE SCHOOL WILL EXAMINE THE STATES RESPONSE

.ON IRELAND

TO COMMUNITY RESISTANCE IN THE MINING AREAS AND THE OCCUPIED SIX COUNTIES. DUE TO BE HELD

IN DONCASTER IN OCTOBER.

DETAILS FROM DAVID DOUGLASS

INVITED SPEAKERS INCLUDE:

DENNIS MURPHY SEC. N/UMBRIAN NUM DAVE TEMPLE BMRHAM MECHANICS JOAN MATNARD EX MP SHEPFIELD BRIGHTSIDE

waiting for. ©

struggle to the

Red Miner

‘The Red Mi is produced by members and

| The Red Mig i P Power. Workers -Power er ary organisation fighting to

build a teow ‘revolutionary: party to overthrow

capitaliam - at home and abroad.

; Workers’ ‘struggles

We support all workers’ les against the _ bosses. We fight to turn all struggles, into conscious anti-capitalist struggles.

Reformism

The ‘trade union and ,Labour leaders believe’

capitalism can be reformed, made better, but they :do nat aim to overthrow capitalism. They act as go-betweens for the bosses with the workers. Even militant leaders .limit their fight for gains. within -eapitalism. For this reason we are for building renk and file

dependent of the bureaucracy and committed

‘puld an

parties. Power works . with Irish, German, French, Austrian and Chilean revolutionaries in the Movement for a.

tionary Communist International.) In. particular we fight nationalist solutions ‘ta the . crisis. put forward reformists like calls for import controls. Such demands merely divide

Wi all . divisions .in. .th working dl We, § | aire fostered by the ‘potaes to veaken us: We are’ implacably opposed:

ee

movements _ politically | raning the. unions into demacratic,.

te... raciem,

ms

immigration controls, fascism, discrimination against and oppresion of women, lesbians, gay men or black people.

The oppressed

We support all struggles by people oppressed by the bosses. of Britain, rica, France, Italy

and the other. ‘capitalist (gnperialist) countries. Immediately in Britain this means we support. the right of the Irish people as a

whole (net just those in the North) to determine _

the fate of their country. We unconditionally support the republicans and socialists in Ireland a r.this right and demand the immediate drawal of all Bri tish troops from Ireland. ©

Workers' states

The USSR, Eastern Europe, ete are workers’ states. Capitalism has been abolished. However, in each of these states a bureaucracy, based on the Stalinist Communist Parties, holds political power. This situation arose out

« of the international isolation of the Russian

Revolution in the 1920's. The revolution degenerated at the hands of the bureaucracy headed by Stalin. The other workers’ states were degenerate from birth in that they were created in the bureaucratic image of the USSR.

Therefore we call for a politica] revolution in all of these states to overthrow the bureaucracy and realise the full potential of these non-capitalist economies through democratic planning. the same time, in order to preserve the gain for. the working class represented by these economies, we defend the USSR and degenerate workers’ states unconditionally against imperialism which, through war, will seek to re-introduce capitalism in these countries.

' Overthrow capitalism

The revolutionary party we seek to build will

have as its strategic goal the overthrow of —

capitalism by workers organised into workers’ councils and armed so as to defeat the ~» police and army that the bosses have used, and will, use again, against us. We are for a socialist society in which all property is in the - hands of. the workers’ state and all production is directed towards the meeting of human need, not satisfying the profit greed: of the capitalists. ‘We stand on the old slogan of Kar] Marx:

_ Warkers of the world unite. You have nothing to lose but your chains, aad amor, to win!

PEE EO PLT eee re